Recommit…

Sen. Tammy Duckworth (IL)

Over the last three months I’ve made tremendous progress toward earning my PhD at the University of Virginia.  My dissertation project has been approved, and I am now officially writing.  My goal is to finish in May of 2027.  Apparently, the number “7” is my thing…Princeton ’87, Pacific School of Religion ’17, UVA ‘27…kind of cool.

Rep. Terri Sewell

As I approach this threshold, I recognize that my work is needed in the world.  While parish ministry gave me a great deal of practical on-the-ground experience and the opportunity to make one kind of contribution, the experience of immersing myself in the deep study of why people do what they do has been an even more natural fit.  I’m now positioning myself to be able to publicly write, speak and teach in a way that contributes to the capacity for people everywhere to live better with one another.  Specifically, my work responds to the weaponization of belief…belief based on religion or belief that is simply held as if it were religion…a.k.a. dogmatism.  Belief conflated with government defeats the basis of a pluralistic society and we are already mired in that morass.  Stark ideological entrenchment reinforced by technological echo chambers has proven to be the most toxic and potentially lethal invention of the 20th century.

In order to stay focused, I’ve had to remain largely offline over the last few years and particularly since January.  Today, my 61st birthday, however, I’m recommitting to being part of the conversation.  The balance between the day-to-day of academic life (researching and teaching) and the whiplash of modern politics is a lot to manage, but I’m feeling greater urgency as I get more fluent with this work and as more extreme positions of dogmatism emerge.  I believe that it is essential for scholars like me to focus on practical applications for what we study and not just obsess over our personal grain of sand at our computers.

I want to point you toward three moments from this past week that have kept me thinking about what it means to commit to being a public scholar in this time:

Senator Tammy Duckworth on Iran War Powers Resolution

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Representative Terri Sewell confronting RFK, Jr. on his racial (racist) comments

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“Charlie Kirk Laws” promoting religion and free speech

Each one of these moments is a lot to take in.  But a significant line of human logic connects them through what I named before:  weaponization of belief.  The literal weaponization of belief pulled us into the war with Iran; the willingness to weaponize an unfounded racialized belief about black children and families, makes RFK, Jr. a genuine threat in public service; and the weaponization of religious belief is attempting to turn the US Constitution into a legislative sword for Christianity.

My dissertation is about Rev. Ethelred Brown (1875 – 1956), Black Unitarian minister from Jamaica, and the sermons he delivered during the height of the Harlem Renaissance as part of the New Negro movement.  But inside that grain of sand, I’m asking questions about how Brown understood himself at the intersection of Caribbean, Harlem, Black and Unitarian identity and how that understanding translated into his public words as a minister.  I am asking about what Brown believed, why he believed it and how he expressed that belief in his sermons.  While I am humbled by his ministry a century ago, my dissertation goes beyond revealing an important history.*  For me, Ethelred Brown is primarily a foundational case study on whom I hope to base theories and practical tools that might be applied toward the challenges we face in the way belief is activated in the public discourse today.

This blog is a “note to self” to stay in this work.  I will invite you to also consider how you might stay committed to being an engaged participant.  It doesn’t need to have a big splash, but it does require conscious intention.  That is how we disrupt the bots and memes and careless disposable rhetoric.  All of our active and deliberate participation is required.  Not just for the American experiment, but for the wider grand human experiment to realize its full promise and potential.

ALD

*See the excellent historical work about Brown from Mark Morrison-Reed, and Juan Floyd-Thomas

First Things First…

Du Bois vs. Stoddard Debate – 1929*

When I read the various local statutes for “resisting arrest” (see the Virginia code here: https://law.lis.virginia.gov/vacode/title18.2/chapter10/section18.2-460/) I get sick to my stomach.  The entire premise that these laws are built around is that whatever an officer of the law (police, judge, etc.) is doing is justified and correct.  There is an assumption of moral and ethical correctness on the part of the people carrying guns and wearing body armor.  Their job justifies their actions. No questions asked.  I’m sickened because the assumption is built on a disturbing legacy.

In a recent New York Times opinion piece, “Here’s What’s Happening in America, in Six (Mostly) Russian Terms” 6/9/2025 – Kuznetsova/ Storyev (Article available here – NYT subscription required) the authors highlight the Soviet-ization of our political systems through language.  I can’t disagree.  There are other scholars who draw parallels between what we are seeing from the Trump administration (travel bans, mass deportations to foreign prisons without due process, medical criminalization, book bans, disinformation campaigns, domestic militarization, etc.) and Nazi era Germany in the run up to 1938-39.  Again, I can’t disagree.  But as we watch army bases being returned to the names of Confederate soldiers, and the dismantling of education, I can’t help but think that what is often missing from the broader discourse is the specific heat that powers the uniquely American socio-political hurricane that perpetually churns across the nation: anti-blackness.

Understanding “anti-blackness” is not as simple as saying “racism”.  Not everything is about race.  Anti-blackness is not entirely about skin color bias.  Skin color bias is the low hanging fruit and oversimplification of the cultural psychology of anti-blackness as a signifier for “the other.”  Anti-blackness is about having the permission to exclude.  A uniquely American brand of anti-blackness sits at the center of our entire social operating system of assumptions, including our entire world of policing.  This is more than an assumption of whiteness as being equivalent with correctness; it is the assumption of blackness as both being equivalent with and setting a standard for measuring incorrectness.  Any arrest of blackness by police is justified because blackness (in body or concept) is always assumed to be “wrong”.

“At least I’m not black” is doctrine, policy, creed and social goal.

Within the American equation, blackness has always been the conceptual “bridge too far.”  One look at the uncountable number of laws limiting, shaping and controlling blackness, dating from the founding of the European colonies in the Americas up to today, and one can conjecture that the United States may never fully recover from its racist fever dream; there will always be some residue lurking in some corner somewhere (think racial covenants that still appear in land deeds.)  Anti-blackness gives silent ethical permission to all of the other social obstructions, barriers and exclusions in the United States.  “At least I’m not black” is not just the language that emboldens and echoes among some of the most put-upon migrants/immigrants to this country, not to mention social and economic minorities who regularly move in the direction of success and acceptance long before people of African descent.  “At least I’m not black” is doctrine, policy, creed and social goal.

The labyrinthine complexity of race in America cannot be reduced to just black vs. white…and at the same time, it can.  The “both/and” of race is what makes it so devilish.  Again, anti-blackness doesn’t just live in skin color.  Anti-blackness is the psychology of the binary, the dialectic equivalence[1] drawn between blackness as bad/evil vs whiteness as good/pure that underpins much more than questions of the race myth. Our media, our politics, our sports are full of the good/bad, winner/loser mentality.  The negation of the incorrect and illegitimate other is reinforced by the myth of American exceptionalism.  Some tout this as the American superpower; some of us regard this triumphalist hubris as our national shame.

Our society’s obsession with “one side of the coin or the other” and the perpetual search for a hero-winner as part of our collective decision making is playing out in the immigration crack downs in Los Angeles and across the country.  While it is not directly about black vs white, our entire understanding of immigration in the United States is informed by a peculiar institutional concept of good vs. bad.  The Trump administration has determined that migrant/day laborer = bad which justifies deploying US Military = good.  It is not just immigration.  The “us vs. them” reality show is playing out in all aspects of our government, international policy, local battles over school systems and libraries and even our access to healthcare.  We must not lose track of the fact that this duality first learned to speak American English when it was written into the United States Constitution and then proudly enumerated in a federal census that only counted white people and slaves[2].

Anti-blackness is not racism…it is permission to race, to gender, to alienate, to sexualize and to hate.

To be clear, I am not trying to flatten, blend or confuse and conflate issues, nor am I trying to reduce everything to a question of “race”.  My challenge is to recognize how anti-blackness has served a variety of unique functions beyond the Enlightenment era social organizing principle of “race”.  In the United States, we have accepted “race” as a universal truth and equalizer…part of the fabric of how we understand the world.  This is where we fall afoul of reality.  The so-called objective impulse to seek what is “universal” is the cloak under which empire and religion have masqueraded to devastating effect.  Anti-blackness is the unbreakable thread that binds this Western assumption of what is “universal” together.  Scholars of African descent (Douglass, Du Bois, Wells, Césaire, Fanon, Wynter, Spillers, Mills, Wilderson, etc.) have been naming this and the particularity and poison of anti-blackness in the Americas and around the globe from the moment we were first given the opportunity to do so.  Anti-blackness is not racism…it is permission to race, to gender, to alienate, to sexualize and to hate.  The “color line” is not just the problem of the 20th century per W.E.B. Du Bois[3]Anti-blackness was and still is the core problem of America.  We cannot fix anything until we fix anti-blackness.

Many liberals seeking to resist tyranny, turn to the famous quote by Rev. Martin Niemöller for inspiration, “First they came for the socialists…” (Full Text Here).  Just remember that resistance is exactly what “justified” the lynching of thousands of people of African descent.

First things first.

ALD

[*] Chicago Forum Council. One of the greatest debates ever held, 1929. W. E. B. Du Bois Papers (MS 312). Special Collections and University Archives, University of Massachusetts Amherst Libraries

[1] Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks (New York: Grove Press, 2008).

[2] “Measuring Race and Ethnicity Across The Decades: 1790—2010 – U.S. Census Bureau,” accessed May 2, 2023, https://www.census.gov/data-tools/demo/race/MREAD_1790_2010.html.

[3] W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (North Charleston, SC: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2014).